Monthly Archives: April 2014

Resources for caregivers of abused children

Every Sunday throughout April, Sexual Assault Prevention & Response Services will have a guest column in the SunJournal. Each column will discuss a different aspect of sexual violence, as well as prevention and education efforts.

The third article is about child abuse, which was written by Keri Myrick, Coordinator of the Androscoggin Children’s Advocacy Center


When child abuse is reported, parents often feel as if they are on a roller coaster of emotions. These are all very normal feelings, though they may affect a caregiver in many different ways.

Many times the first reaction may be disbelief, or the inability to accept the possibility that this really happened. Or, a caregiver may believe something happened but no harm was done. Many caregivers feel denial because it is very overwhelming to accept that the abuse occurred and that there will be after-effects.

At times caregivers feel angry at themselves for not protecting the child. They may feel angry at the perpetrator for what he/she did. They may even feel angry at or blame the child. Or, caregivers may feel that it is all their fault. But, it is the offender who is responsible, not the caregiver.

Helplessness is another emotion that caregivers may experience. They may not know what is going to happen and feel that they have no control over the process or the outcome. They may also feel invisible and think there is nothing they can do to help the situation get better.

Caregivers can also experience guilt, self-blame, hurt and betrayal.

It is normal for caregivers to feel hurt from the loss of the child’s innocence or hurt because their child is hurting. In some cases the perpetrator may be the caregiver’s spouse or partner, and the caregiver experiences overwhelming betrayal.

If a caregiver has their own history of being abused as a child, they may feel shock, numbness and even repulsion. It may be so difficult for that person to see their child in a situation that triggers their own memories and feelings.

In recent years, research on the psychosocial adjustment following a sexual abuse incident demonstrates that parental support is associated with better emotional and behavioral adjustment outcomes for children. While many non-offending caregivers respond to their child in a supportive manner following a disclosure of abuse, this support can be inconsistent or be somewhat hesitant based upon the level of distress the parent is also experiencing due to the disclosure.

Offering assistance and support greatly improves the intervention efforts of the parent or non-offending caregiver. At the Androscoggin Children’s Advocacy Center (ACAC), the Family Advocate Program provides these services for non-offending caregivers of children in cases where sexual abuse or severe physical abuse has been substantiated.

The ACAC is a community initiative that provides a safe, child-friendly environment for child abuse investigations, supports a multi-disciplinary process to work with child abuse victims, provides family advocacy for non-offending caregivers, and works with the community to develop and enhance services to child abuse victims and prevention programs.

At the ACAC, the role of the family advocate is to address the needs of the caregiver as a means of providing additional support to the child. This is done in several ways.

First, the family advocate sits with the non-offending caregiver(s) during the forensic interview of the child, offering emotional support. During that time, the family advocate helps family members understand the roles of the different agencies involved in the investigation and on-going process.

In addition, the family advocate is able to discuss with the family the dynamics of child sexual abuse, providing education to the caregiver and others involved with the family. The family advocate also helps identify the strengths and the needs of the family, and assists families in identifying and utilizing and connecting with available resources to help them cope with this new reality.

The family advocate provides information regarding the judicial system and process for those cases that will be moving through the legal system. The family advocate is able to offer support and assistance to the family during that often long judicial process. Finally, the family advocate provides a packet of resource materials that families can turn to for support and guidance.

Last year, the ACAC served 170 children and their families.

We know that children can thrive in spite of their traumas. Children can move beyond their abuse, show extreme resiliency and become stronger individuals. The ultimate goal of family advocacy is to help caregivers, who are often devastated and immobilized, become empowered to protect, nurture, support and guide their children through this journey.

Keri Myrick is coordinator of the Androscoggin Children’s Advocacy Center.


“How can we stop rape if we’re not even willing to call it what it is?”

When you call a rape anything but rape, you are just making excuses for rapists, by Jessica Valenti via The Guardian:

If you kill a person, you’re a murderer. If you steal, no one would hesitate to call you a thief. But in America, when you force yourself on someone sexually, some people will jump through flaming hoops not to call you a rapist.

As reported by Al Jazeera America, colleges across the country are replacing the word “rape” in their sexual assault policies with “non-consensual sex” because schools don’t want label students “rapists”.

Brett Sokolow of the National Center for Higher Education Risk – the consultant and lawyer behind this reprehensible shift – says that hearing boards are “squeamish” about hearing or using the word, even for students actually found guilty of raping their classmates.

They’re not alone. Artist and Vice co-host David Choe described sexually assaulting a massage therapist but would only go so far as calling it “rape-y” and eventually denied it happened at all. Game of Thrones director Alex Graves gave an interview just this week in which hedescribed a what was clearly a rape scene on Sunday night’s episode as “consensual.”

How can we stop rape if we’re not even willing to call it what it is?

Alexandra Brodsky, founding co-director of Know Your IX – an organization that helps students battle sexual assault using Title IX, the federal law which prohibits gender discrimination in education – says that using “sanitized language” demonstrates how colleges think about rape as more of a PR than justice problem.

“It also contributes to the idea that ‘real’ rape doesn’t happen on campuses,” she told me.

The problem here is not just colleges that are shying away from the proper label for sexual assault. In 2007, a Nebraska judge banned a woman and her lawyers from using the words “rape”, “victim” and “sexual assault” in a rape trial because he didn’t want to “prejudice the jury”. Theonly word the woman was allowed to use: “sex”.

Similar mischaracterizations happen in the media, where headlines often describe an alleged rapist as facing charges for “having sex” with a child or unconscious person – as if either situation could be anything but rape.

“Sex” isn’t nonconsensual. Only rape is. Conflating the two gives credence to the myth that rape is just a particular shade of sex, rather than a violent crime.

This is why some people can’t even identify rape when it’s right in front of their faces. For instance, one witness in the widely-publicized Steubenville rape case actually walked in on the unconscious victim being assaulted. When asked why he didn’t stop the attack, heresponded that “It wasn’t violent … I thought [rape] was forcing yourself on someone.” In a 2004 California trial resulted in a hung jury after a teen girl was gang-raped on video – she was passed out and penetrated vaginally and anally with pool sticks, a Snapple bottle and a lit cigarette. The defense argued the victim – who at one point urinated on herself during the attack – was a willing participant who wanted to make a porn video. Last year, when talking about the infamous R Kelly tape for which the singer was indicted on child pornography charges, the music critic Jim DeRogatis declared, “It’s a rape that you’re watching.” (Kelly was acquitted on even the charges he did face.)

Part of the problem is that America has never had a clear, accepted cultural definition of what rape is. Even legal definitions have been confusing – it took until 2013 for the FBI to change its 1929 definition of rape from “the carnal knowledge of a female, forcibly and against her will” to the new version: “Penetration, no matter how slight, of the vagina or anus with any body part or object, or oral penetration by a sex organ of another person, without the consent of the victim.”

That’s why we have politicians like Todd Akin spouting off about “legitimate rape”, anti-feminists like Laura Sessions Stepp making up terms like “gray rape” and even Whoopi Goldberg trying (and failing) toexplain the difference between “rape” and “rape-rape”. The people who sit on juries, sadly, are no different.

But the real reason Americans need these qualifiers – why saying “rape” sometimes and for some people feels like a step too far – is that we’re simply more willing to believe perpetrators than victims. If that is to change, we need to call rape what it is, and not water it down with descriptors or replace it with inaccurate terms that make sexual violence and the people who perpetrate it seem more palatable.

Sexual assault & child abuse awareness: Franklin County, ME

Local agencies focus on April awareness, via Daily Bulldog:


April is a significant month nationally, and members of the Franklin County Domestic Violence Task Force are collaborating to help increase local awareness of two critical issues affecting our friends and neighbors: Child abuse and sexual assault.

Child Abuse: In Franklin County, child abuse and neglect happens more frequently than one might think. In 2013, there were 468 reports made to child protective services. Of those reports, 229 were referred on for further interventions. These children are victims of abuse, neglect and emotional maltreatment at the hands of those who are tasked with protecting and nurturing them. While not all children who experience these issues are removed from their caretakers, many are placed with family members, foster care providers or strangers. They are essentially uprooted and displaced, often causing them severe anxiety and sadness. These feelings, while normal, can also be detrimental to the emotional health of children. We know that such incidents can also cause lasting damage to their physical health and well-being. When this happens, these incidences are known as Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs).

These experiences can include: physical abuse, sexual abuse, neglect, emotional abuse, incarceration, substance abuse, untreated mental health issues, and domestic violence. Such experiences early in life have been known to result in poor health outcomes as these children enter adulthood. While this is evident, building resiliency in our children can and will allow them to overcome such dangers. Protective factors, such as parent resilience, knowledge of parenting and child development, social and emotional competency in children, social connections, and concrete support in times of need can help to provide the tools children require for successful development.

The Franklin County Children’s Task Force will host the following events in April to bring awareness to preventing child abuse:

• A Pinwheel for Prevention is a nationwide public awareness campaign. The pinwheel is an uplifting symbol of childhood, and helps the public recognize that the future is at risk when children don’t have equal opportunity for growth and development. The pinwheel is a reflection of hope, health, and healing. The Pinwheels for Prevention campaign will be ongoing throughout the month of April.

• You can join FCCTF and friends at the Homestead Bakery between 7:30-9 am for a family Pancake Breakfast on April 24. All you can eat pancakes will be provided, with fruit, juice and coffee. This event is sponsored by the Farmington Rotary.

• FCCTF will also host its annual Run to Prevent Child Abuse. This is a 5K/10K and Kids Fun Run being held on May 10. The Kids Fun Run is free; registration starts at 7:30 a.m. for all races. The starting place is at FCCTF on Church Street. The run is being shadowed by troops stationed in Kuwait who wanted to sponsor a non-profit agency in Maine.

For any questions about these events, please call FCCTF at 778-6960 or view the website at

Sexual Assault: Last year alone, Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Services (SAPARS) provided support services to more than 440 survivors in Franklin, Androscoggin and Oxford counties. Other statistics to know:

• One in five Mainers report being the victim of attempted or completed rape

• 67 percent of the sexual assault victims reported to law enforcement are under the age of 18

• Nationally – only 50 percent of sexual assaults are reported to law enforcement.

SAPARS works to prevent and eliminate sexual violence and promote healing and empowerment for people of all genders and ages who are affected by rape, sexual assault, child sexual abuse, sexual exploitation, stalking and sexual harassment.

Ending violence is the work of our whole community. With the Franklin County Domestic Violence Task Force we are able to strengthen our connections with local agencies as we work to provide support for survivors of violence in our community.

On Wednesday, April 30, SAPARS will host its 16th Annual March for Violence-Free Communities. Participants will gather at the gazebo at Meetinghouse Park on Main Street in Farmington (across from the Superior Courthouse) at 5:30 p.m. The march will lead to a Speak Out at the Old South Church on Main Street in Farmington. Bill Lowenstein, SAPARS’ president of the board of directors, will be the keynote speaker. Community members will be invited to Speak Out and share their thoughts and feelings on the issues surrounding all forms of violence. Join SAPARS and others in honoring survivors of sexual abuse and help us put a stop to violence in our community.

For additional information and resources, please visit or call the statewide, toll free 24-hour Helpline number at 1-800-871-7741 (voice) or 1-888-458-5599 (TTY).

The Franklin County Domestic Violence Task Force is a coalition of agencies and concerned citizens with a mission to lead and empower local people to end domestic violence. For more information about the FCDVTF, please contact Stacie Bourassa at (207)778-6297 or email

The normalization of sexual violence

Young Women See Sexual Assault As Normal, Report Find, via Huffington Post

How does a crime committed against nearly 238,000 women a year go unreported 60 percent of the time? According to a new report, many victims of sexual assault may not actually see themselves as victims.

Heather Hlavka, a sociologist at Marquette University, analyzed interviews with 100 girls between ages three and 17 who may have experienced sexual assault. Overwhelmingly, their accounts indicated that sexual violence had been normalized in their communities. They considered harassment an everyday part of life rather than a criminal act.

The study identifies several common reasons why girls do not report their assaults, including shame, fear of retribution and mistrust of authority. The most alarming conclusion, however, is that young women “regard sexual violence against them as normal.” Moreover, the girls interviewed believed that men “can’t help it” and perceived “everyday harassment and abuse as normal male behavior.”

One participant — only 13 years old — said harassment is standard in her school: “They grab you, touch your butt and try to, like, touch you in the front, and run away, but it’s OK, I mean… I never think it’s a big thing because they do it to everyone.”

Obviously, that “they do it to everyone” does not make such behavior “OK,” but those types of perceptions interact with other factors to diminish the likelihood that survivors of sexual violence will report their assaults, and that perpetrators of sexual assault will be held accountable.

Once sexual harassment is “normalized,” reporting it becomes a “big thing” likely to be perceived as an overreaction. Hlavka also found that when young women expect adult men to act inappropriately, it leads to a community-wide distrust of male authority figures, such as police officers, to whom sexual assault should be reported.

The girls whose interviews Hlavka considered also assumed that other young women would regard them as “sluts” and “whores” if they disclosed that they were assaulted. This paints a grim picture of the state of sexual assault reduction in many American communities.

The report reminds us that parents and trusted authority figures must teach young girls (and boys) that sexual violence is not acceptable — before media and community norms give the impression that it is. When it comes to sexual assault, the sooner we empower young women and men with agency and information, the better.

Let’s talk about child abuse

Every Sunday throughout April, Sexual Assault Prevention & Response Services will have a guest column in the SunJournal. Each column will discuss a different aspect of sexual violence, as well as prevention and education efforts.

The second article is about child abuse, which was written by Jennifer King of the Maine State Police.


A large part of my work as a state police detective has been investigating the sexual abuse of children. For the past 13 years, that has been a topic I think about most days, as do the personnel at sheriffs’ departments and local police departments who investigate those types of cases.

We don’t normally talk about our work with members of the public, but April is Child Abuse Awareness Month and Sexual Assault Awareness Month, so it’s a good time to talk.

Law enforcement personnel have joined with Department of Health and Human Services caseworkers, child advocacy centers, medical forensic examiners and advocates for survivors of sexual abuse to inform the public of the scope of child abuse as we are aware of it, and how we are approaching the issue in each of our disciplines.

I have to use the qualifier “as we are aware of it” because the abuse of children is the most secretive of crimes, happening in private, with the perpetrators sometimes manipulating their victims into silence. Only some of these children will tell someone that they are being abused.

Then, we put our training and experience to work, and the child’s disclosure sets into motion a multidisciplinary response with the goal of ensuring the long-term well-being of that child.

Many children never tell anyone. Why? Children keep the secret of being sexually abused for many reasons.

They are afraid to tell because the perpetrator threatened them/their family with violence if they told. They are afraid because the perpetrator said they would be taken away from their family and placed in a foster home if they told. They are afraid because the perpetrator made the child feel complicit in the abuse by accepting gifts, and they feel ashamed.

They are afraid because they suspect they will not be believed. They are afraid because, in spite of the abuse, they love the abuser and don’t want him to be arrested and taken away. They are afraid because the abuser is the only source of income for the family and the child doesn’t know what will happen if he/she is arrested.

They are afraid because they don’t think they can tell a stranger, or a courtroom full of strangers, what happened. They are afraid to tell because they already told one person who did not believe them/got upset at them/accused them of lying.

We understand these reasons.

Child sexual abuse is difficult for adults to think and talk about. Imagine how hard it is for children who don’t understand what is happening to them, and don’t know who to trust.

We cannot rely on children to tell us when they are being abused. It is not their responsibility to protect themselves; it is ours — yours and mine. That is not to say we don’t teach them about abuse, and that disclosing is the right thing to do. However, even children who are told these things may not be able to tell.

So how do we identify child victims of sexual abuse when there is no disclosure?

One of the things we know is that many of the users of child pornography are also perpetrators of child sexual abuse. Recent studies demonstrate a link between people who commit child pornography offenses and people who sexually abuse children.

In law enforcement, we are vigorously investigating that link.

Some men have bravely admitted to sexually abusing children when they are confronted regarding their possession of child pornography, and subsequently questioned about hands-on offenses. There may be no harder offense to confess to, and admitting having done this for some men has been the first time they have ever been honest about this part of their life. Up to that point, their desire to view child pornography and their sexual desire for children has been a secret they have guarded with every fiber of their being.

So, one of the ways detectives try to identify child victims who have not disclosed being abused is to question the identified users of child pornography regarding their having committed any hands on offenses, and then trying to identify those victims.

People in law enforcement have taken on the responsibility to investigate crimes including child sexual abuse. We don’t expect members of the public to think about this crime on a daily basis.

What we would like for the public to do, though, is twofold: report suspected abuse without hesitation, and ensure that the agencies in our community that help victims of these crimes are supported.

Jennifer King is a detective with the Maine State Police.


Addressing the culture of rape

To End Rape Culture, We Must First Address These 3 Things, via Everyday Feminism:

At first glance, we associate rape culture with sexual violence.

Dig a little deeper, and we see the enabling and creation of victim blaming, stigma, and silence.

But as with all other systems of oppression, rape culture is a beast with tentacles and spores across countless other facets of inequality and systems of oppression.

This is why dismantling rape culture must happen from as many different angles as possible in order to be effective. We need an intersectional and inclusive approach to upsetting the culture of rape and building a culture of consent.

The following three things may not appear to be major components of rape culture at first glance, but undoubtedly fuel and are fueled by it.

Dismantling and addressing these things must be part of our movement to end rape culture.

1. Gender Norms

Traditional gender roles and norms sustain inequality, and rape culture thrives on inequality.

Rigid gender norms based in the gender binary and normative expectations of how people should carry themselves through the world restrict the space we have for authentic expression and communication.

The extremely limited range of emotions, thoughts, and actions we’re taught we can have based on our gender can in many ways predetermine the conversations — or lack thereof — that we have about sex and consent.

For example, the social script we’re taught to engage in when it comes to sex casts a cisgender man and woman — effectively erasing queer sex and genders that fall outside or between this limited binary — and prescribes starkly different roles for each of them.

This social script we learn growing up and continue to see played out around us typically features a coy, demure, and sexy (but not slutty!) woman, waiting to be romanced/dominated by a strong, confident, and aggressive man.

Consent is assumed, never discussed. Man orgasms. Sex over. Not a great platform from which to learn and practice consent.

This is just one way that gender norms fuel rape culture.

When gender norms create the social DNA of strong, confident, and aggressive men as the opposite of coy, demure, and sexy women, popular narratives emerge around any and all sorts of experiences, including sexual violence.

The way normative masculinity is structured and performed allows for very little — if any — room for men to claim the identity of being a survivor of rape or sexual abuse.

One in six men is a survivor of childhood sexual abuse and one in 33 men is a survivor of rape, but toxic masculinity silences and stigmatizes these stories and experiences because they don’t match neatly with the strong, confident, and aggressive man typecast by gender norms.

While toxic masculinity works to silence the experiences that men have with sexual violence, it simultaneously silences women’s experiences with sexual violence by creating myths around what constitutes consent.

These myths ultimately undermine the way we (fail to) listen to and (do not) believe women’s stories related to rape and abuse.

Some common examples include someone’s outfit being interpreted as “asking for it,” flirting being conflated with consent to have sex, and reporting rape being interpreted as regret for being “slutty.”

These myths, rooted in the traditional understanding of femininity, effectively rob women of their agency before, during, and after rape by always circling blame back onto them and constructing femininity as something inherently “asking for it.”

Another layer we must consider is that the gender binary itself restricts the way we — including advocates and activists — talk about sexual violence and rape culture.

In many ways, the binary makes the experiences of transgender and gender non-conforming people with sexual violence invisible.

While someone in the trans* community is five times more likely to survive sexual assault than a cisgender woman and 21 times more likely than a cisgender man, the trans* community is almost never centered in conversations or campaigns about rape culture.

And if we want to dismantle rape culture, we have to do so from all angles, not just those made accessible to us through the gender binary.

2. Language and Accessibility

In order for the consent movement to overcome rape culture, we have to make our movement accessible to the people who have never even heard of rape culture.

Luckily everyone knows rape culture at some level. We just have to let different communities create and define their own language around sexual violence, as Sesali Bowen explained atFORCE: Upsetting Rape Culture’s panel discussion last month.

We can’t just preach to the choir. That won’t get us very far. For example, the consent is sexymessage isn’t culturally relevant or resonant in all communities.

It’s easy to forget what the majority of people don’t know about sexual violence if we’re well-versed in the ins and outs of rape culture. But we have to make an effort to be nice and welcoming to beginners.

This piece of accessibility also requires patience and faith in the fact that even the most unlikely folks can see the light.

3. The Prison Industrial Complex

It is relatively well-known that police and the criminal “justice” system consistently fail survivors. One of the reasons we consider this to be the case is because only 3% of rapists will ever spend a day in prison.

Missing from this analysis of justice is the fact that prison and the prison industrial complex only perpetuate rape culture.

American prisons are institutions of violence, rooted deeply in racismOne in every tenpeople in prison will experience sexual abuse while incarcerated, commonly at the hands of prison staff.

How can a system of violence and racism be the answer to sexual violence?

It can’t be — and that’s why the movement to end rape culture must reconcile itself with the reality of the prison system.

In various ways, the prison system and its various appendages perpetuate rape culture.

Stop and frisk laws often enable legally sanctioned sexual violence that is fueled by prejudice and racial profiling.

In no way do I intend to criticize survivors whose reports of rape ended in their perpetrator going to prison — or the many survivors that wish that to be the case for their rapists.

Incarceration is the only model we currently have for survivors to seek justice and because of this, on a micro level, it is a valid form of justice that we so desperately seek.

Intersectionality allows us to see that at the macro, systematic level, the criminal justice system as it exists today cannot possibly serve the interests and goals of the movement to end rape culture.


It can be daunting to think that ending rape culture hinges upon dismantling several other norms and systems of oppression, but I find comfort in reminding myself that the only thing bigger than what our movement has to address and dismantle is the need for us to do so.

Human Trafficking in Maine

Every Sunday throughout April, Sexual Assault Prevention & Response Services will have a guest column in the SunJournal. Each column will discuss a different aspect of sexual violence, as well as prevention and education efforts.

The first article is about Human Trafficking, which was written by Destie Hohman Sprague, Program Director at the Maine Coalition Against Sexual Assault:

Human trafficking is getting a lot of press in Maine right now — much of it discussing whether enough is being done.

But for those of us who have been working closely on this issue for the past few years, we know that the landscape today is radically different than it was just four years ago. Trafficking is an extremely complex issue, and developing meaningful, Maine-based solutions takes hard work and patience.

Let’s take a moment to celebrate a few of the successes that Maine has achieved using one simple formula: teamwork.

In the past four years, thanks to local, state and national partners, more than a thousand law enforcement officers and direct service providers have had training based on nationally-recognized best practices for response. In addition to this, public awareness events such as the Not Here conference have connected students and citizens with the issue.

Local efforts, such as the Androscoggin County Human Trafficking Task Force, the Greater Portland Coalition Against Sex Trafficking and Exploitation, and the Penobscot-Piscataquis Sex Trafficking Response Team are bringing multidisciplinary teams to the table, and developing a home-grown human trafficking response. Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Services, the sexual assault services provider in Androscoggin, Oxford and Franklin counties, is a key participant in the local task force.

Maine is now the recipient of its first line of federal funding dedicated to trafficking victims; a two-year grant of $400,000 from the federal Office of Victims of Crime will support collaborative services and protocol development in southern Maine.

A new central resource about sex trafficking exists for the state, with information about state and federal law, model policies and protocols, and links to best practices. The website is, and we have the support of the Maine Women’s Fund and many other partners to thank.

As of last fall, the crime of aggravated sex trafficking is on the books, increasing penalties for offenders, expanding the definition of a human trafficking offense, and opening up civil penalties and restitution for survivors.

That bill was the result of careful work for many months with the Office of the Attorney General’s Human Trafficking Work Group, the Criminal Law Advisory Commission, and dedicated prosecutors and providers across the state. It was supported through the session with the leadership of the House and Senate chairs of the Criminal Justice and Public Safety Committee.

Earlier this week, the Legislature passed Rep. Amy Volk’s, R-Scarborough, proposal, in LD 1730, that will offer an affirmative defense for victims of trafficking, as well as increased access to victims’ compensation (and enhanced fines for offenders).

Still, there is so much work to be done.

While awareness of the issue is growing, the needs are growing as well.

Victims of trafficking and commercial sex exploitation experience an almost total loss of financial, educational, physical and emotional autonomy. Individuals engaged in trafficking are treated as a commodity or property, and are often reliant on a pimp, an employer, or an intimate partner to meet their basic needs. They may have limited or no access to the money that they earn; as a result, their ability to forge an independent, safe and self-reliant life is severely undermined.

Maine currently has limited specialized resources to meet these needs.

For that reason, the Maine Coalition Against Sexual Assault (MECASA), with help from many partners, is launching the Maine Sex Trafficking Victims Support Fund this month. The fund aims to be a flexible, accessible and timely source of funds to support the immediate needs of victims of trafficking as they seek to increase their safety and start a new life.

Even with the progress we have made in recent years, there are many more steps Maine must take before we have the infrastructure to address the needs effectively.

Human trafficking is a complex issue, and there is no one-size-fits-all approach. There is only a multi-disciplinary approach. True progress happens when the process makes room for all of the players at the table to hash out the best solution for Maine: for the nuances of the Maine criminal code, for the realities faced by law enforcement and prosecutors, and for the true needs of victims of this crime.

We at MECASA are excited to be on that team, and we are energized to know that so many people and organizations, and in all parts of the state, have already contributed to this important work, and will continue to partner with us into the future.

Destie Hohman Sprague is the program director at the Maine Coalition Against Sexual Assault. She may be reached at:

“Dear Harvard: You might have won, but I still have a voice”

Dear Harvard: You Win (written anonymously), via The Harvard Crimson

Editors’ Note: This is a first-person, present-tense account of the aftermath of a sexual assault that took place in 2013. For reasons of both style and substance, we have left it in present tense.

I’m writing this piece as I’m sitting in my own dining hall, only a few tables away from the guy who pressured me into sexual activity in his bedroom, one night last spring. My hands are trembling as they hover across the keyboard. I’m exhausted from fighting for myself. I’m exhausted from sending emails to my resident dean, to my House Master, to my Sexual Assault/Sexual Harassment tutors, to counselors from the Office of Sexual Assault Prevention and Response, to my attorney. I’m exhausted from asking for extensions because of “personal issues.” I’m exhausted from avoiding the laundry room, the House library and the mailroom because I’m scared of who I will run into.

More than anything, I’m exhausted from living in the same House as the student who sexually assaulted me nine months ago.

I’ve spent most of 2013 fighting the Harvard administration so that they would move my assailant to a different House, and I have failed miserably. Several weeks ago, in a grey room on the fourth floor of the Holyoke Center, my psychiatrist officially diagnosed me with depression. I did not budge, and I was not surprised. I developed an anxiety disorder shortly after moving back to my House this fall, and running into my assailant up to five times a day certainly did not help my recovery.

“How about we increase your dose from 100 to 150 milligrams a day,” my psychiatrist said in a mechanical, indifferent voice. Sure thing.

This morning, as I swallowed my three blue pills of Sertraline and tried to forget about the nightmares that haunted my night, I finally admitted it to myself: I have lost my battle against this institution. Seven months after I reported what happened, my assailant still lives in my House. I am weeks behind in the three classes I’m taking. I have to take sleeping pills every night to fall and stay asleep, and I routinely get nightmares in which I am sexually assaulted in public. I cannot drink alcohol without starting to cry hysterically. I dropped my favorite extracurriculars because I cannot find the energy to drag myself out of bed. I do not care about my future anymore, because I don’t know who I am or what I care about or whether I will still be alive in a few years. I spend most of my time outside of class curled up in bed, crying, sleeping, or staring at the ceiling, occasionally wondering if I just heard my assailant’s voice in the staircase. Often, the cough syrup sitting in my drawer or the pavement several floors down from my window seem like reasonable options.

Dear Harvard: I am writing to let you know that I give up. I will be moving out of my House next semester, if only—quite literally—to save my life. You will no longer receive emails from me, asking for something to be done, pleading for someone to hear me, explaining how my grades are melting and how I have developed a mental illness as a result of your inaction. My assailant will remain unpunished, and life on this campus will continue its course as if nothing had happened. Today, Harvard, I am writing to let you know that you have won.


He was a friend of mine and I trusted him. It was a freezing Friday night when I stumbled into his dorm room after too many drinks. He took my shirt off and started biting the skin on my neck and breast. I pushed back on his chest and asked him to stop kissing me aggressively. He laughed. He said that I should “just wear a scarf” to cover the marks. He continued to abuse my body, hurting my breast and vagina. He asked me to use my mouth. I said no. I was intoxicated, I was in pain, I was trapped between him and the wall, and I was scared to death that he would continue to ignore what I said. I stopped everything and turned my back to him, praying he would leave me alone. He started getting impatient. “Are you only going to make me hard, or are you going to make me come?” he said in a demanding tone.

It did not sound like a question. I obeyed.

Shortly after I reported my sexual assault to my House staff, I was told by a senior member of the College administration that the Administrative Board was very unlikely to “issue a charge” against my assailant and to launch a thorough investigative process because my assailant may not have technically violated the school’s policy in the student handbook. Even though he had verbally pressured me into sexual activity and physically hurt me, the incident did not fall within the scope of the school’s narrow definition of sexual assault.

The policy, published in the spring of 1993, defines “indecent assault and battery” to be anything involving “unwanted touching or fondling of a sexual nature that is accompanied by physical force or threat of bodily injury.” It does not provide any definition of consent beyond the brief mention, in its definition of rape, that a victim cannot consent if he or she is unable to express unwillingness due to alcohol or drugs, among other factors.

I could still press charges in front of the Ad Board, I was told, but they would probably be dropped because my situation did not match the language of a 20-year-old policy. The last thing I wanted was for my assailant to feel vindicated if the Ad Board dropped the case. After two horrible weeks spent curled up in bed drinking, crying, and trying to come to a decision in the middle of reading period, I decided not to open a case.

The school was extremely reluctant to take any action against my assailant without a fair investigative process. In theory, this approach makes perfect sense. Everyone is innocent until proven guilty, and you cannot take severe action against a student—such as forcing him to move to a different House—without a formal investigation process. But in practice, this works against sexual assault survivors at Harvard. Our policy is so outdated and narrow in scope that it discourages survivors from entering an investigative process in the first place. And without such a process, Harvard will take very little action against the alleged perpetrator.

And so I found myself in the middle of the worst scenario possible: I couldn’t get Harvard to move my assailant to a different House without going to the Ad Board, but I could not go to the Ad Board because of the school’s narrow policy.

In an attempt to comply with Title IX regulation—which requires universities to provide a safe environment to survivors of sexual assault—school officials told me about 20 times that I should feel free to transfer to a different House if I wanted to. At first, this option felt unfair. Why should I be the one moving when I had done nothing wrong? Did this imply that what had happened to me was my fault? Then, the idea of transferring felt utterly disempowering. Moving to a different House would have felt like giving up and granting even more power to my assailant. At last, moving out felt flat-out impossible. I could see myself slowly descending into mental illness, and I knew I would spiral out of control quickly without my blockmates and favorite tutors around to support me. If I was going to go down, I thought at least I deserved to be surrounded by my closest friends. And so I decided to stay.

There had to be other options for me out there, I thought. I got the school to issue a no-contact order against my assailant. I convinced myself that if I pushed hard enough, if I made enough noise, someone somewhere would hear me, stand up, do something.

But no one really did. Confidentiality rules prevent me from revealing most of what was—or was not—done to respond to my report. Ironically, if I were to reveal this information, I could risk getting disciplined. What I can say, however, is that in my opinion, the school’s limited response amounted to the equivalent of a slap on the hand for my assailant. After unsuccessfully suggesting a number of interventions that could have helped me better live with my situation, I eventually got the persistent impression that my House staff believed I was fussing over nothing.


There are few things more disempowering than being sexually assaulted. You suddenly and unexpectedly find yourself in a situation where someone else—perhaps someone you trusted or loved—claims absolute authority over your body. You are desperately trying to have your voice heard and to assert control over what is being done to you, but are systematically shut down until you are forced to simply wait for it to be over. In that context, being practically denied the right to decide what you want to do with your story, being told that something with the potential to be as empowering as prosecuting your assailant is unlikely to result in any action, being denied several requests that you think will help you heal—those things truly make you feel hopeless, powerless, betrayed, and worthless.

Seeing how your school officials refuse to validate how upset you are over and over again is equally damaging. When I told my House Master that I was considering an Ad Board process, I was told it was a bad time of the semester, that there would be consequences for my assailant anyway, and that we shouldn’t go through the process if it was going to be fruitless. Shortly after, my resident dean told me that my assailant couldn’t be punished because he didn’t know what he was doing. The resident dean compared living in the same House as my assailant to a divorced couple working in the same factory. My House Master and my dean encouraged me to forgive my assailant and move on. Someone at University Health Services asked me if it was possible that my drinking habits were the problem, because it seemed like they had led to my sexual assault. And always, at the end of those discussions, I would hear the same thing over and over again: “We want you to get all the support that you need.”

I know deep down that all those administrators are not bad people. They want to be supportive, and they really try to be. But they have no idea how to do deal with cases of sexual violence because they have not been trained sufficiently. They use insensitive language, unfortunate comparisons, and empty phrases to avoid any liability issues that could come up. They simply do not know, and, as a result, they do more harm than good when trying to handle cases of sexual violence.

Moreover, these administrators operate within a system that offers little alternative for people in my situation and bounds administrators to inaction because their jobs depend on it. This system is a product of a broader rape culture that permeates our society—a culture in which it is acceptable to blame a victim of assault for drinking too much, in which the burden is always on the survivor to advocate for her- or himself, in which inaction is always preferred, if only to make sure the assailant does not sue anyone for unfair punishment. But that does not mean that we cannot do anything to change the way we handle sexual assault at Harvard.

I might have lost my battle, but I also hope that this story can initiate a serious discussion about the way we want to handle cases like mine as a community. Do we really want survivors who speak up to be systematically shut down if their experience does not fit some criteria for sexual assault written in 1993? Do we really want to let survivors advocate for themselves until they are so exhausted that they collapse into depression?

We need more options for survivors who do not want to—or are unable to—open an Ad Board case. We need school officials to receive extensive training about how to handle sexual assault and talk to survivors. More importantly, we need the school to start listening to its students when they vote on sexual assault policy, and to survivors when they knock on administrators’ doors with a mental illness. The current review of the College’s sexual assault policy is a step in the right direction. But there is much left to be done to make sure student voices are heard.

The last time I met with my resident dean, I told my dean about my depression, and how I thought it had been caused by the lack of validation and empathy I had received from the Harvard faculty. I said that it would be immensely helpful for me to know that my dean, not as a school official but as a human being, understood my pain and empathized with it. I asked my dean to take a step back from the situation and to admit that I had not been served well by the Harvard system. My pleas were met with a refusal to comment and an argument that it was not an administrator’s role to criticize Harvard’s sexual assault policy.

If my resident dean refuses to question the current policy we have in place, then I will. Dear Harvard: You might have won, but I still have a voice. And I plan on using it as much as I can to make things change.

Editors’ Note: We made the decision to run this op-ed anonymously due to the private and intensely personal nature of its content. It is our hope that this piece will bring to light issues that affect members of our community and inform campus-wide conversations on sexual violence and health services at Harvard.

Readers should also note that online commenting has been disabled for this piece in an effort to help protect the author’s identity.

—Brian L. Cronin and Anja C. Nilsson, Editorial Chairs

—Samuel Y. Weinstock, President

April is Sexual Assault Awareness Month!

Sexual Assault Awareness Month is a time to recognize where we are, where we’ve been and where we’re going in the work to prevent rape, childhood sexual abuse, sexual harassment and all forms of sexual violence. It is also a time to recognize the harm done by sexual violence – not only to individuals, but to our communities and indeed, our entire culture. Just as importantly, Sexual Assault Awareness Month is a time to celebrate healing and the resilience of victim-survivors.

We are busy planning and preparing for educational presentations, activities, and events. Here is a link to our happenings throughout Androscoggin, Franklin, and Oxford counties.

PS: Don’t forget to wear lots of teal this month!